Violence what we have come to call genocide and ethnic cleansing accounts for much of Bratislava's ethnic change, but not all of it. Slovak ethnologist Peter Salner describes another way that Bratislava's ethnicity changed. He notes that four regimes held lasting power Bratislava during this period: Habsburg Hungary until late 1918, the Czechoslovak Republic between 1919 and 1938, the independent Slovak Republic between 1939 and 1944, and a quite different Czechoslovak Republic from 1944 on, with direct rule by the Czechoslovak Communist party beginning in 1948. Each change in regime, Salner says, created three groups of people: those who left the city (or were forced to leave) because they were not comfortable with the regime (or because the regime was not comfortable with them); those who came into the city because they were in one way or another tied to the new regime; and those who were comfortable or were able to modify their identities enough to become comfortable and accepted.
Understanding the change within this third group requires a closer look at the role of ethnic
identity and those mechanisms which harden and soften such identities. New research by Salner
and other Slovak historians and ethnologists suggests that voluntary organizations played an
important role in shaping national identities in Bratislava. Although national identity and
voluntary associations have each been the subjects of a large body of literature, surprisingly little
has been written on the interrelation between them. And the few authors who have dealt with both
identity and association disagree among themselves. In response, this paper will outline how
voluntary associations can affect the development of national identities. I will argue that
associations even those with ethnic goals tend to promote alternative identities, especially civic
ones, which can prevent ethnicity from becoming central and divisive. At the same time,
voluntary organizations are be a fragile basis upon which to build alternative identities. As
voluntary organizations with scarce resources, their operation can be easily disrupted by the
resources and coercion available to governments.
Ethnic Identity
Identity has quite suddenly become essential to any discussion of nations and ethnicities. The concept's importance is not diminished by its fashionableness or the carelessness with which the term is sometimes used. Understanding national identity and how it changes can illuminate ethnically complex settings such as Bratislava.
In his 1990 work on Identity and International Relations, William Bloom offers a common definition of identity as "the result of internalization of the attitudes, mores, and behavior of others--individual or group, real or symbolic"(Bloom, 1990, p. 50). For Bloom and others, identity is thus defined as being with some and against others, and a shared identity brings with it the ability to act together to enhance and protect the group sharing the identity. Anthony Smith in his recent National Identity echoes Bloom, and emphasizes that every human being has multiple identities. These identities are interrelated, and intertwined. They overlap and change in relative strength from day to day, even from minute to minute. Anyone who has been simultaneously a teacher, a wife, a citizen, and a believer can understand the act of juggling these compatible but distinct roles, often emphasizing one at the expense of another. Each of the basic identities Smith mentions stems from a certain kind of community, one based on gender, kinship, class, faith, or some degree of common territory and culture. This last community, Smith defines as "national" and he distills its five important features: "1. an historic territory or homeland, 2. common myths and historical memories, 3. a common, mass public culture, 4. common legal rights and duties for all members, 5. a common economy with territorial mobility for members." At a basic level, identity as member of this national community influences and is influenced by identity as member of a family, of a class, of a religion, and also competes with those other identities for such scarce commodities as attention and intensity.
Struggles go on even within national identity. Smith's definition encompasses both American national identity and Serbian, both Armenian and Swiss. Recognizing that such differences differ not merely in intensity but in type, Smith distinguishes between two principles of national community, one primarily civic and territorial, the other primarily ethnic. Here he acknowledges his debt to Friedrich Meinecke's distinction between Kulturnation and Staatsnation and Hans Kohn's explanation of Eastern and Western nationalisms. Smith argues that the civic type of national identity emphasizes "[h]istoric territory, legal-political community, legal-political equality, and common civic culture and ideology"(Smith, 1991, p. 11). Ethnic identity, on the other hand, bases its perception of the larger community on "genealogy and presumed descent ties, popular mobilization, vernacular languages, customs and traditions"(Smith, 1991, p. 12). The very question of national identity, then, contains the potential question of whether and how strongly to identify with an ethnic group as against a non-ethnic political community. Often these two national identities coexist and can even reinforce one-another. Just as often, it seems, ethnic and civic communities make strong or conflicting claims which offer a stark choice between civic or ethnic identity.
Furthermore, neither civic or ethnic identity exist in the abstract. People identify with specific communities. and form civic identity as a citizen of the Austro-Hungarian empire or of Czechoslovakia, for example, or ethnic identity as a Slovak, a Magyar, or a German. In certain circumstances, rival ethnic communities may compete with one another for allegiance or identity in certain people. Civic communities may do the same. The possibility of changing civic identity is as old as the polis. Those who move from one state to another whether voluntarily or not must accept a different set of laws, civic culture and territory. Those whose states collapse from under them as in the former U.S.S.R. face a similar choice.
Ethnic identity seems far more stable and less open to choice. The nuances of language and culture, which form the prerequisites of belonging to an ethnic community, usually far exceed the citizenship requirements of state. Still, although membership in an ethnic group may not be always be a question of instrumental choice, nor is it necessarily unchangeable. In two recent works on ethnic identity, Thomas Eriksen argues that "a change in ethnic membership, although not unknown, is universally regarded as a strange anomaly which cannot possibly succeed entirely"(Eriksen, 1992, p. 180). This underestimates both the opportunity which exist and their chance for success particularly in regions with multiple, overlapping languages, cultures, and lineages. Ernst Gellner in his Nations and Nationalism offers the hypothetical case of Ruritanians in the Empire of Megalomania who face no "genetic" or other strong barrier and choose to assimilate to the dominant culture (Gellner, 1983, p. 60). The historical record of the Habsburg Empire a thinly veiled in Gellner's hypothetical suggests that Gellner's picture accurately reflects the options a significant population, particularly in large cities. Many people, like the trilingual residents of nineteenth century Bratislava, find themselves in a position to choose their ethnic identity.
The questions "To which ethnic group do I belong to? To which should I belong?" never occur to
most of the world's inhabitants, but among many it has become an important issue. For various
reasons, tens of millions more find themselves asking a related question: "To which civic or
territorial nation do I, should I, belong?" An even broader group nearly everyone faces the more
general questions of how to relate their civic and their national identity to each other and which to
emphasize at any given moment. Finally, every human being must at least tacitly answer questions
of how deeply to relate to their national community, especially if it conflicts with family, faith, or
class. All of these sets of questions arose in Bratislava in the first half of this century, Constrained
and influenced in a variety of ways, the answers affected the residents of Bratislava. Among the
influences were Bratislava's voluntary associations.
Voluntary Organizations
In the second volume of his Democracy in America, Alexis de Tocqueville argues that it is in associations that "Feelings and opinions are recruited, the heart is enlarged, and the human mind is developed only by the reciprocal influence of men upon one another"(Tocqueville, 1945, p. 117). In other words less poetic ones associations shape identity. But while Tocqueville's praise for associations offers a good starting point, much research has been done since. That research has yielded competing perspectives, best summarized by Randall Thomson and Michael Armer, who noted in 1981 that:
"Some scholars claim that participation in voluntary associations produces integration of
individuals, communities, and societies by providing affectual support, by implementing values,
and by supporting the normative order.... Others claim that instead of integration, voluntary
associations reinforce the cultural distinctiveness of various ethnic and minority
groups....(Thomson and Armer, 1981, p. 288)."
A decade later, the conflict remains unresolved and it will not be resolved here but a careful definition of voluntary associations and a closer look at their effects will clear the ground for understanding how they affected national identity in Bratislava.
The concept of a voluntary association can have a certain satisfying simplicity. In his history of voluntary organizations, Jack Ross does captures the essence of the a voluntary association by referring to it as "an organization of people who participate without coercion or direct profit"(Ross, 1976, p. 6). But as Ross acknowledges, this definition offers little help in determining which groups category includes or excludes. Are the Boy Scouts a voluntary association? Trade unions? The Catholic church? More precise attempts at definition have been plagued by disagreements particularly over the multiple possible meanings of "voluntary" unchurched, unpaid, temporary, altruistic (Theodore, 1972, p. 127). A largely successful attempt to bridge these multiple meanings can be found in a 1937 report of the Congressional Urbanism Committee. This report defines "voluntary associations" as "those groups which are private (as distinguished from public or governmental bodies) and entrance into which rests on the choice of the individual (as distinguished from involuntary formations such as family, church, and nation into which the individual is born)" and "distinguished from profit making corporations, partnerships, etc."(in Bode, 1972, p. 54). This includes "such groups as fraternal orders, civic, and reform societies, cooperatives, trade unions, trade associations, youth associations, and recreation and leisure time groups."(in Bode, 1972, p. 54). Although this definition has a residual character, including all organizations that are non-governmental, not-for-profit, non-familial and non-church (Bode, 1972, p.65), it has been "widely accepted in its essential characteristics"(Bode, 1972, p. 54) while remaining fairly specific.
Joining such an organization can cultivate a new identity as surely as becoming a member of a religious faith or a finding a of job. These new identities can become important, according to Philip Pollock. He cites the work of Kornhauser and Rose on mass society to suggest that "secondary associations... act as replacements or surrogates for primary relationships"(Pollock, 1982, p. 144). Robert Putnam concurs in his Making Democracy Work, and suggests that these new identities may undercut the intensity of existing ones. "When individuals belong to "cross-cutting" groups with diverse goals and members," Putnam says, their attitudes will tend to moderate as a result of group interaction and cross- pressures"(Putnam, 1993, p. 90).
According to these authors, the effect of voluntary associations is not limited to underc utting existing identities. Many echo Tocqueville's emphasis on the educational function of voluntary associations. The education which results strongly resembles Anthony Smith's concept of civic identity. Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba in The Civic Culture argue that "voluntary associations do play a major role in a democratic political culture. The organizational member, compared with the non-member, is likely to consider himself more competent as a citizen, to be a more active participant in politics, and to know and care more about politics"(Almond and Verba, 1963, p. 322). Even more striking, this participation in the legal-political community (to use Smith's phrase) increases with membership in any type of organization, "even if the individual does not consider the membership politically relevant and even if it does not involve his active participation"(Almond and Verba, 1963, p. 322). Putnam concurs. "Participating in civic organizations," Putnam say, "inculcates skills of cooperation as well as a sene of shared responsibility for collective endeavors.... Taking part in a choral society or a bird-watching club can teach self-discipline and an appreciation for the joys of successful collaboration"(Putnam, 1993, p. 90).
Of the few authors who have researched the interaction between associations and ethnic identity, most offer a rather different view. They argue that in multi-ethnic environments, organizations which are mono-ethnic only reinforce ethnic identity. Perhaps the strongest statement of this argument comes from by Henry Radecki whose study of immigrants to Canada concludes that: "The presence of [a] network of organizations... hinders integration or entrance of immigrants into the host society by providing loci of orientation, sources of continuous allegiance, and situations for practicing cultural distinctiveness"(Radecki, 1976, p. 275). These associations, he continues, do "not serve as vehicles facilitating members' full entrance into the Canadian society's norms and values but provide situations and means of maintaining individual allegiance to their ethnic or national identity and values"(Radecki, 1976, p. 283). Single-ethnic groups thus insulate rather than integrate.
Other researchers reach similar conclusions but in qualified circumstances. Wong, Applewhite, and Daley's study of Chinese immigrants to America, finds that Chinese voluntary organizations in the United States between 1850 and 1950, "perpetuated ... non- involvement of its members in affairs external to the community."(Wong, 1990, p..217). In reaching this conclusion, the authors qualify the applicability of arguments like those made by Almond and Verba and Putnam:
"In Habits of the Heart, Bellah observed that the creation of local institutions of self- help in poor
and working class neighborhoods draws previously uninvolved citizens not only into the politics
of community, but into the larger arena of interest politics at the citywide level and beyond as well
(Bellah, 1985, p. 216). The validity of this observation is certainly contingent on the existence of
democratic traditions and practices in these institutions" (Wong, 1990, p.232).
Douglas' and Pedersen's study of Malaysia makes a similar point by arguing that "much of the mushrooming of voluntary associations since World War II appears to have been not so much a component of modernization as a compensatory adaptation to it a sort of protection against it"(55). In reaching this conclusion, they acknowledge that the insulating, even defensive efforts of ethnic associations may coexist with mechanisms for integration.
Robert and Gallatin Anderson and Kenneth Little develop this argument further. Though their works mainly concern the process of modernization, with only passing mention to ethnicity, they offer important insight. In a succinct 1962 article appraising the associational structure of a French village, Anderson and Anderson noticed that the "traditional social structure of the village persists today, but is overlain by a duplicate associational structure"(Anderson, 1962, p. 368). The authors call this the "replicate social structure" and suggest that "every one of the associations known to exist or to have existed in the community can be described as a replication of one of the traditional social groups"(Anderson, 1962, pp. 368-9). The replicate social structure serves the same interests, but with its association mechanisms it offers greater capacity for action and efficiency and also "eases social life in modern society by permitting these groups to articulate with one another and with a modern bureaucracy on all levels"(Anderson, 1962, p. 369).
Kenneth Little takes this argument one step further. Writing on West African Urbanization, he finds similar phenomena in the associations of migrants to the city. Here too, "voluntary associations serve many of the same needs as kin group and the lineage"(Little, 1966, p. 89). Yet while they serve as a surrogate village and allow the migrant to maintain ties with his kinfolk, they also promote integration. Merely through participation in the association, migrants learn modern, urban skills such as thrift, punctuality, voting and others vital behaviors. They also learn new identities, and according to Little, "[t]he voluntary association helps to adjust the rural migrant to his fresh status as a townsman, as a member of a multi-tribal community, as a breadwinner, and as a partner of a multi-tribal community"(Little, 1966, p. 102). Little's brief comments on ethnicity help to account for the role of associations in both integration and insulation. He argues: "To some extent voluntary organizations increase... the tendency towards segmentation by providing the migrant with a substitute for his home environment. They continually remind him of his duties and obligations as kinsman and they trade for support on these attachments. For these and other similar reasons it could well be argued that voluntary associations not only keep the tribal spirit alive but add to its importance"(Little, 1966, p. 143-144). At the same time, he continues, "by assuming some of the extended family's function voluntary organizations associations diminish the importance of kinship roles and open the way for ties that are less diffuse and particularistic"(Little, 1966, p. 144). The result, according to Little, is to reduce the "question of origin" to "secondary importance," allowing association on a non-kinship basis and encouraging intertribal co-operation.
This argument can be restated perhaps even enhanced in the currently popular vocabulary of
institutions and identity instead of roles and functions. The chain of argument which runs from
Tocqueville to Putnam can be stated in relatively precise terms. Voluntary associations, as an
exercise of collective action with few if any sanctions, requires relationships of trust and
reciprocity. Where all can be acquainted, such relationships need not disturb kin or ethnic identity.
When the growth of the association or its environment makes intimate acquaintance difficult, the
trust and reciprocity must become general, applying to friends and strangers alike. For those who
take such risks and find themselves rewarded, an identity of general trustworthiness and
reciprocal-giving in other words, a civic identity can supplant the more targeted trustworthiness of
an ethnic identity. Such an account does not suggest that associations cannot pursue specific goals
far from it. Members of associations associate for particular ends, but in the course of their
association, they find it possible or even necessary to surrender at least some of the particularity
which brought them into the association into the first place. It is possible to turn, finally, to the
case of Bratislava and see how this understanding can explain the three types of shift in national
identity change in intensity of national identity, change in the ethnic-civic balance, and change
between specific ethnic identities.
Bratislava, 1867-1948
From Hapsburg Hungary to Czechoslovakia to an independent Slovakia and back again to Czechoslovakia, each new regime caused an immediate reshuffling of the ethnic make-up of Bratislava. With few exceptions, each change contributed to the long-run trend which transformed the city from just over 15% Slovak in 1880 (Johnson, 1985, p. 24) to over 95% in 1960 (Votruba, 1994).
Bratislava under the Dual Monarchy was not a Slovak city. It was not even "Bratislava." It was Preáburg or Pozsony or Presporok depending on the language of the inhabitant. Because imperial officials feared the potential divisiveness of an ethnic census, reliable such statistics do not begin until 1880. Between that year and 1910 they show a German population hovering above 30,000, a Slovak population hovering around 10,000, and a Hungarian population rising from parity with Slovaks to near parity with the Germans (See Fig. 1). The fall of the empire and the establishment of a common Czechoslovak state caused a dramatic reversal. Reflecting the city's change of name to proclaim the brotherhood of the Slavs, the number of residents claiming Czech or Slovak as their language tripled in number while the numbers of German and Hungarian speakers each decreased by nearly one third (Johnson, 1985, p. 24). These trends continued during the period of the first Slovak Republic, but the Slovak population did not even reach a majority until the 1930's. During the war, Czechs, Jews, and Hungarians faced varying amounts of pressure from strong encouragement, to outright deportation (Jelinek, 1976, p. 47 and p. 91 and Salner, 1991, p. 191). The German population held a relatively privileged position (Jelinek, 1976, pp. 102- 105) and the number of Slovak residents increased dramatically. The first years of the post- war era saw the expulsion of nearly all Germans and many Hungarians (Salner, 1991, p. 191) the last major changes in the city's ethnic distribution. By 1948, Bratislava had become an overwhelmingly Slovak city. Amid the major shifts among ethnic populations in the city and among ethnic identities within individuals, voluntary associations appear to have played a stabilizing role. They offered alternatives to intense ethnic-national identities and taught civic-national identity even amid ethnic struggles. Those associations attempting on the contrary to reinforce ethnic identity appear to have had little success.
Certain voluntary associations largely ignored nationality. Such organizations sought out members
from various ethnic communities not to alter their identity but to pursue goals which transcended
ethnicity. First among these was the workers' education society, "Forward" (Vorwaerts) which
began as a predominantly German organization, but added a Slovak division in 1905. In
Bratislava, "Forward" promoted the advancement of workers of all nationalities through lecture
series, cultural and leisure activities and family activities (Mannova, 1992b, p. 27). In the
multi-national Bratislava of the first Czechoslovak Republic, numerous organizations followed the
early lead of "Forward," including a number of professional organizations, such as the Association
of Graphic Arts Workers which proclaimed its nonpartisanship and solidarity in German,
Hungarian, and Slovak (Mannova, 1992a, p. 83). Other associations sought to achieve local goals,
irrespective of the ethnicity of the membership. Mannova cites the specific examples of the
association "Self-Help" (Svojpomoc) which brought together members of all major ethnic groups
of a multi- ethnic suburb to demand local land distribution, and the "Richta" association formed
by Czechs in another neighborhood, but equally open the neighborhood's German and Slovak
residents Mannova, 1992b, p. 30-31). Finally, Mannova mentions the Freemasons and other
quasi-secret organizations which, although exclusive did not exclude on the basis of ethnicity
(Mannova, 1992a, p. 86). Although quite different in their aims and means, all of these various
non-ethnic organizations provided opportunity for inter-ethnic contact and cooperation, reinforced
common interests and thus provided alternative identities which could compete with and undercut
a strictly ethnic sense of belonging.
Most of Bratislava's associations did not actively pursue such goals. Although the bylaws of most of inter-war Bratislava's associations "announced noble intentions" such as open membership, conflict and exclusion remained central to Bratislava's voluntary sector (Mannova, 1992a, p. 81). In reality, most organizations remained practically limited to certain ethnicities through their language of business or through occupational or residence requirements which also reflected lines of ethnic division. Particularly important were the divisions between the Pressbuergers the German and Hungarian speaking residents who had dominated pre-WWI Bratislava and the growing numbers of Czechs and Slovaks whose inflow threatened to make the city overwhelmingly Slavic. This conflict took the form of almost ritual competition between sports clubs and of almost identical but separate "social events and balls" and other activities of associations (Salner, 1991, p. 188).
Yet both Mannova and Salner note that even while pursuing strictly ethnic interests in competition with others, associations reduced the importance of ethnicity. Such conflicts as the continuing struggle over the language of works perfomed in the Slovak National Theater produced bitterness which occasionally erupted into outright disruption, but were characterized largely by accomodation. The tension between Slovak, Hungarian, and German fans during soccer matches changed as soon as a Bratislava club competed against clubs from other cities: "The team immediately became the representative and favorite of all Bratislava citizens regarless of their nationality or social position"(Salner, 1991, 190).
According to both authors, the inter-war period thus represented both the period of greatest ethnic
diversity and a time when "mutual tolerance" coexisted with "the attempt to present one's own
group as well as possible"(Salner, 1991, p. 189). It is no coincidence, both suggest, that Bratislava
during this period experienced an unprecedented surge of associational activity. Mannova's
analysis of the role of these organizations almost precisely mirrors Kenneth Little's description of
associations in West African cities. "Open and free associations [had a great effect on] the cultural
integration of immigrants of all classes and strata," she argues. This process of integration and
adaptation included not only familiarization with the city and its ways and psychological
orientation, but also tolerance and accomodation (Mannova, 1992b, p. 30). Whether German,
Hungarian, Czech or Slovak, Bratislava's sports clubs, charity organizations, theater groups,
formal balls and other organizations proclaimed formal rules and general norms, and required
similar trust of those who might not be related by kinship or parish. In this way, what the
associations held in common encouraged a more civic identity regardless of the specifically ethnic
interests which were at stake in their activities.
Certain associations during this period sought not only to represent ethnic interests but to change the ethnic identities of others. Bratislava would seem to provide an ideal setting for such attempts. German-Hungarian-Slovak trilingualism was widespread in Bratislava (Salner, 1993) and according to one observer: "In the morning Bratislava is Slovak (in the market) in the afternoon Hungarian (on the streets and in the shops), and in the evening German (in the family)"(Cited in Johnson, pp. 22-25). Because they could shift between languages and cultures on a daily basis, many residents of Bratislava were thus able to shift their ethnic allegiences when doing so conferred particular advantages on them or helped them to avoid disadvantages. Because of their very structure, however, voluntary organizations appear to have achieved little success in changing ethnic identity.
During the intensive efforts at Magyarization after 1867, many residents of Bratislava accepted a Magyar identity (Glettler, 1990, p. 316, and Paul, 1985, pp. 132-133). Although much of this change occurred through the predominantly Magyar educational system and church hierarchy, did associations played a role. According to Slovak historian of associations, Elena Mannova, particularly strong government regulation limited opportunities for non-Magyar association, and numerous associations some with state support engaged actively in Magyarization including the Hungarian Cultural Association of the Highlands (Felvideki Magyar Kozmuvelodesi Egyesulet or FMKE), the Turul-Federation, the Highland Hungarian League, and others (Mannova, 1993c, p.3). These associations had certain success encouraging those with several identity-options to adopt an increasingly Magyar identity. This was particularly successful with among those with strong ties to German language and culture (Mannova, 1992b, pp. 26-27). A great number of Germans "no longer considered the whole empire as their homeland, but only Hungary" and even the German-language singing club (die Preábrger Gesangsvereine) performed with patriotic Hungarian costumes and programme (Mannova, 1993c, p. 14). As this example shows, however, the Magyarization of these German-Hungarians remained largely at the level of civic-territorial identity. While identifying strongly with the Hungarian state, they continued to use the German language and proclaiming German ethnic origin. Such behavior in a population with thriving associations (Mannov2, 1993c, p. 14) echoes the close relationship between civic behavior and associations.
Associations again played a role in directing identity during the Czechoslovakization, though far
less successfully. Several associations, many led by Czechs, sought to "increase the national
consciousness of Slovaks (often in the spirit of the ideology of Czechoslovakism)"(Mannova,
1992b, p. 29). Emphasis on the similarity of Slovak and Czech cultures in politics and education
seems to have actually increased the recognition of a separate Slovak ethnic identity (Johnson,
1985, pp. 55-57). Associations did little to help Czechoslovakism take root. Similar efforts within
associations appear to have raised on the cultural level of the membership (Mannova, 1992b, p.
29) and perhaps increased support for citizenship in the Czechoslovak state, but they did little to
help the Czechoslovak ethnic identity take root..
Yet while Bratislava seems to affirm the role of associations in weakening ethnic forms of national identity in favor of civic ones, the city's history poses a major challenge to the thesis. After almost twenty years of a strong association sector and apparent tolerance, the city fell into bitter ethnic conflict during the late 1930's and the first half of the 1940's. Certain associations contributed to the new atmosphere of intolerance and most others did little against it.
Between the wars, associations such as the Academics of the Hlinka's Slovak People's Party (HSPP) and others sought to create a Slovakia which was independent of Czechs and free from undue interference by Germans and especially Hungarians. These were matched by certain strongly nationalist German associations which, after the seizure of the Czech lands by the German Nazi regime, demanded the German annexation of Bratislava itself (Mannova, 1992b, p.33) . Yet such activities by associations appear to be relatively rare and the majority of such associations like the Academics of the HSPP or the militarist Slovak youth group Rodobranci (El Mallakh, 1979, p. 51) were closely tied to party or church organizations (or both) and had little independent scope. Furthermore, the strong demands for ethnic purity among both Slovak and German organizations grew loud only with the successes of Nazism in Germany.
If voluntary associations did not contribute greatly to the intensification of ethnic identity, nor did they offer strong barriers against the rapid return of sharp ethnic distinctions. In its first months, the independent Slovak regime quickly liquidated the major Czech and Jewish organizations and others with democratic or communist orientations (Mannova, 1992b, p. 33). Mannova's study of the period from 1938 to 1944 shows that under state pressure, many of the remaining associations changed their bylaws to reflect the regime's pro-Slovak and anti-Jewish, anti-Czech, and anti-Hungarian ideology. Although such changes in associations reflected only the price of continued operation and not necessarily a change in outlook, the mere fact of the change reflects the inability of the voluntary sector in Slovakia to resist government pressure even when at the peak of its strength. In the brief post-WWII thaw, the ethnic restrictions disappeared (as did many of the ethnic groups themselves), but the new regime maintained far tighter control over associations than had the first Czechoslovak republic. The Communist coup of 1948 and the nationalization of all associations by 1951 (Mannova, 1993b) largely completed the process which had begun in 1938.
Bratislava 1994
Not until late 1989 could the process that nationalized all associations begin to reverse itself. The explosions of voluntary associations in early 1990 (Mannova, 1993a) raised hopes that this sector could become firmly reestablished and become a leading force in Czechoslovak democracy. Almost five years later, associations survive, but they have not approached the levels of the inter-war period. At the same time, newly-independent Slovakia faces troubling questions of democracy and ethnic toleration. The role of voluntary organizations remains important in these questions. Although the history of such associations in Bratislava offers no incontrovertible conclusions, it does suggest certain important considerations: